{"id":13087,"date":"2018-05-17T12:43:41","date_gmt":"2018-05-17T12:43:41","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/onlinemajdoor.com\/?p=13087"},"modified":"2018-05-17T12:43:41","modified_gmt":"2018-05-17T12:43:41","slug":"marxism-and-revisionism","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/onlinemajdoor.com\/?p=13087","title":{"rendered":"Marxism and Revisionism"},"content":{"rendered":"

V I Lenin<\/a><\/strong><\/p>\n

There<\/a>\u00a0is a well-known saying that if geometrical axioms affected human interests attempts would certainly be made to refute them. Theories of natural history which conflicted with the old prejudices of theology provoked, and still provoke, the most rabid opposition. No wonder, therefore, that the Marxian doctrine, which directly serves to enlighten and organise the advanced class in modern society, indicates the tasks facing this class and demonstrates the inevitable replacement (by virtue of economic development) of the present system by a new order\u2014no wonder that this doctrine has had to fight for every step forward in the course of its life.<\/p>\n

Needless<\/a>\u00a0to say, this applies to bourgeois science and philosophy, officially taught by official professors in order to befuddle the rising generation of the propertied classes and to \u201ccoach\u201d it against internal and foreign enemies. This science will not even hear of Marxism, declaring that it has been refuted and annihilated. Marx is attacked with equal zest by young scholars who are making a career by refuting socialism, and by decrepit elders who are preserving the tradition of all kinds of outworn \u201csystems\u201d. The progress of Marxism, the fact that its ideas are spreading and taking firm hold among the working class, inevitably increase the frequency and intensity of these bourgeois attacks on Marxism, which becomes stronger, more hardened and more vigorous every time it is \u201cannihilated\u201d by official science.
\nBut<\/a>\u00a0even among doctrines connected with the struggle of the working class, and current mainly among the proletariat, Marxism by no means consolidated its position all at once. In the first half-century of its existence (from\u00a0<\/a>\u00a0 the 1840s on) Marxism was engaged in combating theories fundamentally hostile to it. In the early forties Marx and Engels settled accounts with the radical Young Hegelians whose viewpoint was that of philosophical idealism. At the end of the forties the struggle began in the field of economic doctrine, against Proudhonism. The fifties saw the completion of this struggle in criticism of the parties and doctrines which manifested themselves in the stormy year of 1848. In the sixties the struggle shifted from the field of general theory to one closer to the direct labour movement: the ejection of Bakuninism from the International. In the early seventies the stage in Germany was occupied for a short while by the Proudhonist M\u00fchlberger, and in the late seventies by the positivist D\u00fchring. But the influence of both on the proletariat was already absolutely insignificant. Marxism was already gaining an unquestionable victory over all other ideologies in the labour movement.
\n<\/a>
\n<\/a>By<\/a>\u00a0the nineties this victory was in the main completed. Even in the Latin countries, where the traditions of Proudhonism held their ground longest of all, the workers\u2019 parties in effect built their programmes and their tactics on Marxist foundations. The revived international organisation of the labour movement\u2014in the shape of periodical international congresses\u2014from the outset, and almost without a struggle, adopted the Marxist standpoint in all essentials. But after Marxism had ousted all the more or less integral doctrines hostile to it, the tendencies expressed in those doctrines began to seek other channels. The forms and causes of the struggle changed, but the struggle continued. And the second half-century of the existence of Marxism began (in the nineties) with the struggle of a trend hostile to Marxism within Marxism itself.
\nBernstein,<\/a>\u00a0a one-time orthodox Marxist, gave his name to this trend by coming forward with the most noise and with the most purposeful expression of amendments to Marx, revision of Marx, revisionism. Even in Russia where\u2014owing to the economic backwardness of the country and the preponderance of a peasant population weighed down by the relics of serfdom\u2014non-Marxist socialism has naturally held its ground longest of all, it is plainly passing into\u00a0<\/a>\u00a0 revisionism before our very eyes. Both in the agrarian question (the programme of the municipalisation of all land) and in general questions of programme and tactics, our Social-Narodniks are more and more substituting \u201camendments\u201d to Marx for the moribund and obsolescent remnants of their old system, which in its own way was integral and fundamentally hostile to Marxism.
\n<\/a>
\n<\/a>Pre-Marxist<\/a>\u00a0socialism has been defeated. It is continuing the struggle, no longer on its own independent ground, but on the general ground of Marxism, as revisionism. Let us, then, examine the ideological content of revisionism.
\nIn<\/a>\u00a0the sphere of philosophy revisionism followed in the wake of bourgeois professorial \u201cscience\u201d. The professors went \u201cback to Kant”\u2014and revisionism dragged along after the neo-Kantians. The professors repeated the platitudes that priests have uttered a thousand times against philosophical materialism\u2014and the revisionists, smiling indulgently, mumbled (word for word after the latest\u00a0Handbuch<\/em>) that materialism had been \u201crefuted\u201d long ago. The professors treated Hegel as a \u201cdead dog\u201d,[2]<\/a><\/sup>\u00a0and while themselves preaching idealism, only an idealism a thousand times more petty and banal than Hegel\u2019s, contemptuously shrugged their shoulders at dialectics\u2014and the revisionists floundered after them into the swamp of philosophical vulgarisation of science, replacing \u201cartful\u201d (and revolutionary) dialectics by \u201csimple” (and tranquil) \u201cevolution\u201d. The professors earned their official salaries by adjusting both their idealist and their \u201ccritical\u201d systems to the dominant medieval \u201cphilosophy\u201d (i.e., to theology)\u2014and the revisionists drew close to them, trying to make religion a \u201cprivate affair\u201d, not in relation to the modern state, but in relation to the party of the advanced class.
\nWhat<\/a>\u00a0such \u201camendments\u201d to Marx really meant in class terms need not be stated: it is self-evident. We shall simply note that the only Marxist in the international Social-Democratic movement to criticise the incredible platitudes of the revisionists from the standpoint of consistent dialectical materialism was Plekhanov. This must be stressed. all the more emphatically since profoundly mistaken attempts are being made at the present time to smuggle in\u00a0<\/a>\u00a0 old and reactionary philosophical rubbish disguised as a criticism of Plekhanov\u2019s tactical opportunism.[1]<\/a>
\nPassing<\/a>\u00a0to political economy, it must be noted first of all that in this sphere the \u201camendments\u201d of the revisionists were much more comprehensive and circumstantial; attempts were made to influence the public by \u201cnew data on economic development\u201d. It was said that concentration and the ousting of small-scale production by large-scale production do not occur in agriculture at all, while they proceed very slowly in commerce and industry. It was said that crises had now become rarer and weaker, and that cartels and trusts would probably enable capital to eliminate them altogether. It was said that the \u201ctheory of collapse\u201d to which capitalism is heading was unsound, owing to the tendency of class antagonisms to become milder and less acute. It was said, finally, that it would not be amiss to correct Marx\u2019s theory of value, too, in accordance with B\u00f6hm-Bawerk.[3]<\/a><\/sup>
\nThe<\/a>\u00a0fight against the revisionists on these questions resulted in as fruitful a revival of the theoretical thought in international socialism as did Engels\u2019s controversy with D\u00fchring twenty years earlier. The arguments of the revisionists were analysed with the help of facts and figures. It was proved that the revisionists were systematically painting a rose-coloured picture of modern small-scale production. The technical and commercial superiority of large-scale\u00a0production<\/em>\u00a0over small-scale production not only in industry, but also in agriculture, is proved by irrefutable facts. But commodity production is far less developed in agriculture, and modern statisticians and economists are, as a rule, not very skilful in picking out the special branches (sometimes even the operations) in agriculture which indicate that agriculture is being progressively drawn into the process of\u00a0exchange<\/em>\u00a0in world economy. Small-scale production\u00a0<\/a>\u00a0 maintains itself on the ruins of natural economy by constant worsening of diet, by chronic starvation, by lengthening of the working day, by deterioration in the quality and the care of cattle, in a word, by the very methods whereby handicraft production maintained itself against capitalist manufacture. Every advance in science and technology inevitably and relentlessly undermines the foundations of small-scale production in capitalist society; and it is the task of socialist political economy to investigate this process in all its forms, often complicated and intricate, and to demonstrate to the small producer the impossibility of his holding his own under capitalism, the hopelessness of peasant farming under capitalism, and the necessity for the peasant to adopt the standpoint of the proletarian. On this question the revisionists sinned, in the scientific sense, by superficial generalisations based on facts selected one-sidedly and without reference to the system of capitalism as a whole. From the political point of view, they sinned by the fact that they inevitably, whether they wanted to or not, invited or urged the peasant to adopt the attitude of a small proprietor (i.e., the attitude of the bourgeoisie) instead of urging him to adopt the point of view of the revolutionary proletarian.
\n<\/a>
\n<\/a>The<\/a>\u00a0position of revisionism was even worse as regards the theory of crises and the theory of collapse. Only for a very short time could people, and then only the most short-sighted, think of refashioning the foundations of Marx\u2019s theory under the influence of a few years of industrial boom and prosperity. Realities very soon made it clear to the revisionists that crises were not a thing of the past: prosperity was followed by a crisis. The forms, the sequence, the picture of particular crises changed, but crises remained an inevitable component of the capitalist system. While uniting production, the cartels and trusts at the same time, and in a way that was obvious to all, aggravated the anarchy of production, the insecurity of existence of the proletariat and the oppression of capital, thereby intensifying class antagonisms to an unprecedented degree. That capitalism is heading for a break-down\u2014in the sense both of individual political and economic crises and of the complete collapse of the entire capitalist system\u2014has\u00a0<\/a>\u00a0 been made particularly clear, and on a particularly large scale, precisely by the new giant trusts. The recent financial crisis in America and the appalling increase of unemployment all over Europe, to say nothing of the impending industrial crisis to which many symptoms are pointing\u2014all this has resulted in the recent \u201ctheories\u201d of the revisionists having been forgotten by everybody, including, apparently, many of the revisionists themselves. But the lessons which this instability of the intellectuals had given the working class must not be forgotten.
\n<\/a>
\n<\/a>As<\/a>\u00a0to the theory of value, it need only be said that apart from the vaguest of hints and sighs,\u00a0\u00e0 la<\/em>\u00a0B\u00f6hm-Bawerk, the revisionists have contributed absolutely nothing, and have therefore left no traces whatever on the development of scientific thought.
\nIn<\/a>\u00a0the sphere of politics, revisionism did really try to revise the foundation of Marxism, namely, the doctrine of the class struggle. Political freedom, democracy and universal suffrage remove the ground for the class struggle\u2014we were told\u2014and render untrue the old proposition of the\u00a0Communist Manifesto<\/em>\u00a0that the working men have no country. For, they said, since the \u201cwill of the majority\u201d prevails in a democracy, one must neither regard the state as an organ of class rule, nor reject alliances with the progressive, social-reform bourgeoisie against the reactionaries.
\nIt<\/a>\u00a0cannot be disputed that these arguments of the revisionists amounted to a fairly well-balanced system of views, namely, the old and well-known liberal-bourgeois views. The liberals have always said that bourgeois parliamentarism destroys classes and class divisions, since the right to vote and the right to participate in the government of the country are shared by all citizens without distinction. The whole history of Europe in the second half of the nineteenth century, and the whole history of the Russian revolution in the early twentieth, clearly show how absurd such views are. Economic distinctions are not mitigated but aggravated and intensified under the freedom of \u201cdemocratic\u201d capitalism. Parliamentarism does not eliminate, but lays bare the innate character even of the most democratic bourgeois republics as organs of class oppression. By helping to enlighten and to organise immeasurably wider\u00a0<\/a>\u00a0 masses of the population than those which previously took an active part in political events, parliamentarism does not make for the elimination of crises and political revolutions, but for the maximum intensification of civil war during such revolutions. The events in Paris in the spring of 1871 and the events in Russia in the winter of 1905 showed as clearly as could be how inevitably this intensification comes about. The French bourgeoisie without a moment\u2019s hesitation made a deal with the enemy of the whole nation, with the foreign army which had ruined its country, in order to crush the proletarian movement. Whoever does not understand the inevitable inner dialectics of parliamentarism and bourgeois democracy\u2014which leads to an even sharper decision of the argument by mass violence than formerly\u2014will never be able on the basis of this parliamentarism to conduct propaganda and agitation consistent in principle, really preparing the working-class masses for victorious participation in such \u201carguments\u201d. The experience of alliances, agreements and blocs with the social-reform liberals in the West and with the liberal reformists (Cadets) in the Russian revolution, has convincingly shown that these agreements only blunt the consciousness of the masses, that they do not enhance but weaken the actual significance of their struggle, by linking fighters with elements who are least capable of fighting and most vacillating and treacherous. Millerandism in France\u2014the biggest experiment in applying revisionist political tactics on a wide, a really national scale\u2014has provided a practical appraisal of revisionism that will never be forgotten by the proletariat all over the world.
\n<\/a>
\n<\/a>A<\/a>\u00a0natural complement to the economic and political tendencies of revisionism was its attitude to the ultimate aim of the socialist movement. \u201cThe movement is everything, the ultimate aim is nothing”\u2014this catch-phrase of Bernstein\u2019s expresses the substance of revisionism better than many long disquisitions. To determine its conduct from case to case, to adapt itself to the events of the day and to the chopping and changing of petty politics, to forget the primary interests of the proletariat and the basic features of the whole capitalist system, of all capitalist evolution, to sacrifice these primary interests for the\u00a0<\/a>\u00a0 real or assumed advantages of the moment\u2014such is the policy of revisionism. And it patently follows from the very nature of this policy that it may assume an infinite variety of forms, and that every more or less \u201cnew\u201d question, every more or less unexpected and unforeseen turn of events, even though it change the basic line of development only to an insignificant degree and only for the briefest period, will always inevitably give rise to one variety of revisionism or another.
\n<\/a>
\n<\/a>The<\/a>\u00a0inevitability of revisionism is determined by its class roots in modern society. Revisionism is an international phenomenon. No thinking socialist who is in the least informed can have the slightest doubt that the relation between the orthodox and the Bernsteinians in Germany, the Guesdists and the Jaur\u00e8sists (and now particularly the Broussists) in France, the Social Democratic Federation and the Independent Labour Party in Great Britain, Brouck\u00e8re and Vandervelde in Belgium, the Integralists and the Reformists in Italy, the Bolsheviks and the Mensheviks in Russia, is everywhere essentially similar, notwithstanding the immense variety of national conditions and historical factors in the present state of all these countries. In reality, the \u201cdivision\u201d within the present international socialist movement is now proceeding along the\u00a0same<\/em>\u00a0lines in all the various countries of the world, which testifies to a tremendous advance compared with thirty or forty years ago, when heterogeneous trends in the various countries were struggling within the one international socialist movement. And that \u201crevisionism from the left\u201d which has taken shape in the Latin countries as \u201crevolutionary syndicalism\u201d,[4]<\/a><\/sup>\u00a0is also adapting itself to Marxism, \u201camending\u201d it: Labriola in Italy and Lagardelle in France frequently appeal from Marx who is understood wrongly to Marx who is understood rightly.
\nWe<\/a>\u00a0cannot stop here to analyse the ideological content of\u00a0this<\/em>\u00a0revisionism, which as yet is far from having developed to the same extent as opportunist revisionism: it has not yet become international, has not yet stood the test of a single big practical battle with a socialist party in any single country. We confine ourselves therefore to that \u201crevisionism from the right\u201d which was described above.
\n<\/a>
\n<\/a>Wherein<\/a>\u00a0lies its inevitability in capitalist society? Why is it more profound than the differences of national peculiarities and of degrees of capitalist development? Because in every capitalist country, side by side with the proletariat, there are always broad strata of the petty bourgeoisie, small proprietors. Capitalism arose and is constantly arising out of small production. A number of new \u201cmiddle strata\u201d are inevitably brought into existence again and again by capitalism (appendages to the factory, work at home, small workshops scattered all over the country to meet the requirements of big industries, such as the bicycle and automobile industries, etc.). These new small producers are just as inevitably being cast again into the ranks of the proletariat. It is quite natural that the petty-bourgeois world-outlook should again and again crop up in the ranks of the broad workers\u2019 parties. It is quite natural that this should be so and always will be so, right up to the changes of fortune that will take place in the proletarian revolution. For it would be a profound mistake to think that the \u201ccomplete\u201d proletarianisation of the majority of the population is essential for bringing about such a revolution. What we now frequently experience only in the domain of ideology, namely, disputes over theoretical amendments to Marx; what now crops up in practice only over individual side issues of the labour movement, as tactical differences with the revisionists and splits on this basis\u2014is bound to be experienced by the working class on an incomparably larger scale when the proletarian revolution will sharpen all disputed issues, will focus all differences on points which are of the most immediate importance in determining the conduct of the masses, and will make it necessary in the heat of the fight to distinguish enemies from friends, and to cast out bad allies in order to deal decisive blows at the enemy.
\nThe<\/a>\u00a0ideological struggle waged by revolutionary Marxism against revisionism at the end of the nineteenth century is but the prelude to the great revolutionary battles of the proletariat, which is marching forward to the complete victory of its cause despite all the waverings and weaknesses of the petty bourgeoisie.<\/p>\n

\n<\/a><\/p>\n

Notes<\/h3>\n

<\/a><\/p>\n

[1]<\/a>\u00a0See<\/a>\u00a0Studies in the Philosophy of Marxism<\/em>\u00a0by Bogdanov, Bazarov and others. This is not the place to discuss the book, and I must at present confine myself to stating that in the very near future I shall prove in a series of articles, or in a separate pamphlet, that\u00a0everything<\/em>\u00a0I have said in the text about neo-Kantian revisionists essentially applies also to these \u201cnew\u201d neo-Humist and neo-Berkeleyan revisionists. (See present edition, Vol. 14.\u2014Ed<\/em>.) \u2014Lenin<\/em><\/p>\n

<\/a><\/p>\n

[2]<\/a>\u00a0Lenin<\/a>\u00a0quotes from K. Marx\u2019s afterword to the second edition of Volume One of\u00a0Capital<\/em>\u00a0(see K. Marx and F. Engels,\u00a0Selected Works<\/em>, Vol. I, Moscow, 1958, p. 456).<\/p>\n

[3]<\/a>\u00a0B\u00f6hm-Bawerk<\/a><\/em>, E.\u2014an Austrian bourgeois economist.<\/p>\n

[4]<\/a>\u00a0\u201cRevolutionary<\/a>\u00a0syndicalism<\/em>“\u2014 a petty-bourgeois semi-anarchist trend that made its appearance in the labour movement of a number of West-European countries at the close of the nineteenth century.<\/p>\n

The<\/a>\u00a0syndicalists saw no need for the working class to engage in political struggle, they repudiated the leading role of the Party and the dictatorship of the proletariat. They believed that by organising a general strike of the workers the trade unions (in France\u2014syndicats) could, without a revolution, overthrow capitalism and take over control of production.<\/p>\n

Written:<\/span>\u00a0Written not later than April 3 (16), 1908
\nPublished:<\/span>\u00a0Published in 1908 in the symposium\u00a0Karl Marx\u20141818-1883<\/em>. Signed:\u00a0Vl. Ilyin<\/em>. Published according to the symposium.
\nSource:<\/span>\u00a0Lenin Collected Works<\/em><\/a>, Progress Publishers,\u00a01973<\/a>, Moscow,\u00a0Volume\u00a015<\/a>, pages\u00a029-39<\/span>.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

V I Lenin There\u00a0is a well-known saying that if geometrical axioms affected human interests attempts would certainly be made to refute them. Theories of natural history which conflicted with the old prejudices of theology provoked, and still provoke, the most rabid opposition. No wonder, therefore, that the Marxian doctrine, which directly serves to enlighten and […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":9678,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[22,4],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-13087","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-english","category-breaking-news"],"acf":[],"yoast_head":"\nMarxism and Revisionism - Online Majdoor<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/onlinemajdoor.com\/?p=13087\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Marxism and Revisionism - Online Majdoor\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"V I Lenin There\u00a0is a well-known saying that if geometrical axioms affected human interests attempts would certainly be made to refute them. Theories of natural history which conflicted with the old prejudices of theology provoked, and still provoke, the most rabid opposition. No wonder, therefore, that the Marxian doctrine, which directly serves to enlighten and […]\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:url\" content=\"https:\/\/onlinemajdoor.com\/?p=13087\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:site_name\" content=\"Online Majdoor\" \/>\n<meta property=\"article:publisher\" content=\"https:\/\/www.facebook.com\/onlinemajdoor\" \/>\n<meta property=\"article:published_time\" content=\"2018-05-17T12:43:41+00:00\" \/>\n<meta name=\"author\" content=\"fnmajdoorclick\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:card\" content=\"summary_large_image\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:creator\" content=\"@onlinemajdoor\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:site\" content=\"@onlinemajdoor\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:label1\" content=\"Written by\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:data1\" content=\"fnmajdoorclick\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:label2\" content=\"Est. reading time\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:data2\" content=\"17 minutes\" \/>\n<script type=\"application\/ld+json\" class=\"yoast-schema-graph\">{\"@context\":\"https:\/\/schema.org\",\"@graph\":[{\"@type\":\"Article\",\"@id\":\"https:\/\/onlinemajdoor.com\/?p=13087#article\",\"isPartOf\":{\"@id\":\"https:\/\/onlinemajdoor.com\/?p=13087\"},\"author\":{\"name\":\"fnmajdoorclick\",\"@id\":\"https:\/\/onlinemajdoor.com\/#\/schema\/person\/f8bf200cecbdcefe8c844461d2d3dcf9\"},\"headline\":\"Marxism and Revisionism\",\"datePublished\":\"2018-05-17T12:43:41+00:00\",\"mainEntityOfPage\":{\"@id\":\"https:\/\/onlinemajdoor.com\/?p=13087\"},\"wordCount\":3313,\"commentCount\":0,\"publisher\":{\"@id\":\"https:\/\/onlinemajdoor.com\/#organization\"},\"image\":{\"@id\":\"https:\/\/onlinemajdoor.com\/?p=13087#primaryimage\"},\"thumbnailUrl\":\"\",\"articleSection\":[\"English\",\"\u0935\u093f\u0936\u0947\u0937 \u0938\u092e\u093e\u091a\u093e\u0930\"],\"inLanguage\":\"en-US\",\"potentialAction\":[{\"@type\":\"CommentAction\",\"name\":\"Comment\",\"target\":[\"https:\/\/onlinemajdoor.com\/?p=13087#respond\"]}]},{\"@type\":\"WebPage\",\"@id\":\"https:\/\/onlinemajdoor.com\/?p=13087\",\"url\":\"https:\/\/onlinemajdoor.com\/?p=13087\",\"name\":\"Marxism and Revisionism - 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Theories of natural history which conflicted with the old prejudices of theology provoked, and still provoke, the most rabid opposition. No wonder, therefore, that the Marxian doctrine, which directly serves to enlighten and […]","og_url":"https:\/\/onlinemajdoor.com\/?p=13087","og_site_name":"Online Majdoor","article_publisher":"https:\/\/www.facebook.com\/onlinemajdoor","article_published_time":"2018-05-17T12:43:41+00:00","author":"fnmajdoorclick","twitter_card":"summary_large_image","twitter_creator":"@onlinemajdoor","twitter_site":"@onlinemajdoor","twitter_misc":{"Written by":"fnmajdoorclick","Est. reading time":"17 minutes"},"schema":{"@context":"https:\/\/schema.org","@graph":[{"@type":"Article","@id":"https:\/\/onlinemajdoor.com\/?p=13087#article","isPartOf":{"@id":"https:\/\/onlinemajdoor.com\/?p=13087"},"author":{"name":"fnmajdoorclick","@id":"https:\/\/onlinemajdoor.com\/#\/schema\/person\/f8bf200cecbdcefe8c844461d2d3dcf9"},"headline":"Marxism and Revisionism","datePublished":"2018-05-17T12:43:41+00:00","mainEntityOfPage":{"@id":"https:\/\/onlinemajdoor.com\/?p=13087"},"wordCount":3313,"commentCount":0,"publisher":{"@id":"https:\/\/onlinemajdoor.com\/#organization"},"image":{"@id":"https:\/\/onlinemajdoor.com\/?p=13087#primaryimage"},"thumbnailUrl":"","articleSection":["English","\u0935\u093f\u0936\u0947\u0937 \u0938\u092e\u093e\u091a\u093e\u0930"],"inLanguage":"en-US","potentialAction":[{"@type":"CommentAction","name":"Comment","target":["https:\/\/onlinemajdoor.com\/?p=13087#respond"]}]},{"@type":"WebPage","@id":"https:\/\/onlinemajdoor.com\/?p=13087","url":"https:\/\/onlinemajdoor.com\/?p=13087","name":"Marxism and Revisionism - 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